Slovenia, 3 September, 2012
Speech of Prime Minister of the Republic of Kosovo, Mr. Hashim Thaçi, held in the Bled Strategic Forum
Honorable guests;
Honorable panelists;
Many things have fundamentally altered, since the creation of the European Union as the chosen home of Europeans, two decades ago. Without wanting to repeat the global changes which occurred in the meantime – multi-polarity, the rise of new superpowers and the relativizing of the old – I would like to reemphasize what I think is of importance for the Western Balkans.
For the purposes of discussion, I would note that amongst other issues, the establishment the European Union by leaving Balkan societies outside, was an additional cause to the ignition of the great former-Yugoslav conflict. Furthermore, I would add that the relativist approach of this new Union, in the first days of aggression and murder in the former Yugoslavia, also facilitated the duration of this tragedy for a full decade.
Finally, today, 20 years later, the difficult and laborious process for the new Balkan states of joining the European Union continues to nourish the spirit of regional rivalry, lack of cooperation and – furthermore, as in the case of the Republic of Kosovo – making problematic normalizing neighborly relations with the Republic of Serbia.
In addition, today it is also clear that unfortunately, the “Balkan dilemmas” are not at the top of the list of problems facing European Union leaders. The serious economic recession which this year reaches its fourth year, inter-European clashes over fundamental principles of fiscal politics, debts of almost unbelievable magnitude for some member states – all of this demonstrates the serious times facing this shared home.
Today, all Europeans and their allies are aware that economic stabilization of the Union will be a hard and long process. Here, the worst of the economic recession is the loss of political power and consequently, the loss of ideological vision. Overnight internal problems take the place of international commitments, while governments are consumed with maintaining the elemental welfare of their citizens. In short, today, viewed from the Balkans, the voice of Brussels is barely heard from the echoes of dramatic declarations from Berlin, Paris or London – and further afield, from Athens, Madrid and Lisbon.
And, what does an ordinary person from the Western Balkans think or say about this flood of problems? What should they believe, having lived for 20 years with one hope – that the membership of their country in the Union will end fear and insecurity about the future? It is precisely that citizen, who survived the unimaginable Yugoslav tragedy by hoping that one day, at least their children, would live in one shared European home – far from ethnic hatred, political persecution and economic poverty.
Needless to say, the only thing they can claim with full certainty is the fact that at least he and his country are not responsible for today’s European recession.
However, this does not mean that he and his country are not part of the group of victims of this recession. Among serious security concerns, isolation, the impossibility of free movement, iron borders and visa applications – in Kosovo, that citizen today is also confronted by the daily loss of already scarce jobs, poverty and extremity, similar to that of two decades ago.
Scarcity leads to hatred. Hatred initiates war. Good scholars of the Balkans know that this was one of the reasons that Yugoslavia disintegrated in front of the European Union’s eyes. For them and for those of us who live there, the technology which turns a society toward the darkness of ethnic-nationalism – and which was later lit up by the fire of guns and tanks – is well-known.
I am frightened that the return of ethnic nationalism as a governing program has already started in our region. The rhetoric of politicians from bloody decades has become re-popularized and wins elections. In a region as small as ours, it doesn’t need much to replicate a model started in the neighborhood. Just like 20 years ago, war and peace are equally possible and impossible in the Balkans. Little is needed for one or the other to dominate.
It is ironic to remember that two decades ago the European Union failed to deeply understand the risk threatening the nations of the former Yugoslavia, and so did not act firmly. Today, I am convinced that they understand this risk deeply – but their ability to act is now receding.
Honorable guests,
How to exit from this situation? What is the solution that we as regional leaders should offer our citizens? What do they hope for – and does it exist?
There is little new that the representative of the fragile and small society which constitutes the Republic of Kosovo today can add to this topic. However, what I can re-emphasize today are various modest principles – hoping that in today’s Brussels, there is still the energy and strength to deal with the Balkan challenge.
• The motivation of societies in candidate countries for membership should be more concrete. Only those governments which fully meet fundamental political and economic change and reform should have access to political support and development funds.
• Membership standards should be the same for all. Serious European compromises in the Balkans for the sake of political stability have been shown to be damaging and counter-productive. States which do not abide by regional agreements and new political realities should not be supported equally to those which continually demonstrate the willingness to overcome inter-neighborly problems. The Republic of Serbia’s gaining of candidate status and the refusal of visa liberalization for Kosovo had just one result: the return of ethnic nationalism to power in Belgrade.
• Combating organized crime and corruption remains a difficult and complex challenge for almost all Balkan states. In this respect, slogans about ‘the slowness of justice’ cannot be used as an excuse. It is precisely the swiftness of response on which the success of this war depends. Time is justice.
• Lastly — the isolation of an entire people, which is the case with Kosovo residents, is unbelievable. Despite all efforts, regional agreements, the fulfillment of conditions and standards required, the Republic of Kosovo does not have the right to move freely within its own continent. Today, our state is the only state in the entire Balkans which remains blocked and paralyzed from the impossibility of movement. With much delay and difficulty, in the end we received the visa liberalization guideline and we are almost in the final phase of fulfilling all technical criteria required by the European Commission. I want to believe that as soon as we meet these criteria, Brussels will not delay in taking the right, though delayed, decision to remove visas for citizens of Kosovo — making possible their free movement throughout Europe.
Honorable guests,
Today, it is clear that the economic welfare of Balkan societies will not improve overnight through membership in the European Union. Perhaps our European dreams of 20 years ago are apparently more modest and maybe, more realist. It is clear for all that these are hard times for the topic of enlargement – and that expectations must be reduced.
However, there is no alternative to the Union’s enlargement and our membership. For us, the debate about what the European Union means in this transforming world is not of importance. Its existence and our readiness to join it continue to be our only hope and motivation in escaping what threatens. Kosovo, Bosnia and the entire region have fresh memories of the nightmare of being in front of a closed European door — alone to face murders in the neighborhood.
The Republic of Kosovo continues to be ready to hope and believe that Brussels will find the force to enlarge into the Western Balkans. I am entirely convinced that with this, old fears and hatreds will be ended, opening the doors to wellbeing and new friendships.
Thank you.
Last modified: July 28, 2022